Reference News Network, on December 2, the British "Economist" weekly published an article entitled "What Lessons Does Kissinger's Diplomacy Teach the World?".The article is compiled below
Kissinger died this week at the age of 100. What makes Kissinger so remarkable is not only his realist politics, but also the idealism of his diplomatic practice. It is a style that is still invaluable and educational today.
The future Kissingers in the White House will face some daunting challenges. The hostility between China and the United States is becoming more and more pernicious;Ukraine and the Gaza Strip are waging fierce wars;Political divisions are tearing apart Western democracies;Intractable global problems – such as how to curb climate change and minimize the risks of AI – are piling up.
In an interview with The Economist in April, Kissinger also seemed almost overwhelmed, but his central theme went straight to the heart of his idealism. He said he had dedicated his life to preventing a repeat of the two world wars that ruined his childhood and the lives of much of the world. Today, that means keeping the peace between China and the United States.
His approach, which began with sober analysis, still stands the test. In his twilight years, Kissinger was often criticized for being soft on China, but he was concerned with dispelling the mindset that portrayed China as an expansive rising power like Germany. He countered that China sees the "rules-based international order" as the rule and order of the United States, and that China wants room for adjustment rather than overthrowing the system outright.
Calm analysis led Kissinger to prescribe: tolerance. Based on his own research on 19th-century European diplomacy, he claimed that stability required countries to tolerate their differences. In his view, the main threat to peace is not the realists, but the fanatics who are prone to asking questions and demanding change because of a principle. So Kissinger suggested that the United States and China engage in dialogue – quietly at first – to build trust and avoid insurmountable differences.
In many ways, Kissinger-style diplomacy is more difficult to implement today than it was when he traveled across the Middle East as secretary of state. Secret, informal channel meetings end up online. The world can no longer be easily sorted by the hierarchy of allies and vassals supported by the USSR and the United States. This is a multipolar world. Still, it would be a shame if Kissinger's diplomatic vision died with him. A dangerous world requires a keen grasp of the subtle interplay between interests, values and the use of force. After his departure, the search for stability must continue. (Compiled by Cao Weiguo).