Nakajima was in trouble, and it was difficult to distinguish between superiors and subordinates inside and outside the telegram, and the Kwantung Army quickly revealed internal differences in reply, and openly rejected the intervention of "your ministry". There was confusion at the top, and it was difficult to tell who the message came from.
In this chaotic situation, Nakajima had to consult with Inada, the head of the Operations Division, on countermeasures. Inada decided to send his staff officer, Sueji Nakasa, to Changchun to directly convey Tokyo's true intentions. But they did not expect that the fuse of this scuffle did not come from the top of the Kwantung Army.
It turned out that the Kwantung Army's reply was not intended by Isotani, and even Ueda and Isoya himself did not know anything about it. This reply was drafted by Masanobu Tsuji without authorization and sent in violation of regulations. On the telegram approval form, all the seals and ** signatures are from Masanobu Tsuji. This arrogance undoubtedly threw the command system of the Japanese military top into chaos.
In response to this, Inada, the head of the Operations Division, decided that sending people directly to Tokyo would be the best solution. At the same time, Masanobu Tsuji learned that the last Nakasa was about to arrive, and realized that trouble was imminent, so he had to report it to his superiors.
The wording of Masanobu Tsuji, used in the telegram, although it reflects his personal attitude, actually conveys the true will of Ueda and Isoya to continue the bombing. This makes it necessary for the General Staff Headquarters to quickly develop countermeasures.
Due to weather conditions, the last Nakasa was scheduled to arrive in Changchun on June 25, but had to be postponed. The long-range bombing plan of the flight group was scheduled for June 30, and Ueda urgently instructed to speed up preparations and advance the sortie to the 27th.
On June 26, the last Nakazo finally arrived in Dalian. Under Isoya's arrangement, he was received with hospitality, but spent a full day touring and visiting before the Changchun operation.
During this time, the flight group made the final preparations, reconnoitered military airfields on the territory of Outer Mongolia, identified targets at the Tamsk airbase. Located about 130 kilometers west of the Harakha River, Tamsk is an important base with large, medium and small aircraft.
The whole incident exposed the confusion in the command of the Japanese military top brass, and even caused disputes within the Kwantung Army. The chaos of the telegram, the filthiness behind the callbacks, and the struggle for power at the top constitute the colorful elements of this chaotic situation of military unification.
At the end of World War II, one of the officials on the civil strife in the military command pointed out that Ueda and Isoya could be deposed based on the content of the Kwantung Army's telegram alone. This kind of unruly and unlawful behavior of sending telegrams without permission was rare among the Japanese army, and it also highlighted the phenomenon of the Japanese army at that time being too eager for quick success and quick profit, and deceiving at all levels.
The revelation of this telegram incident laid bare the chaos and disorder in the Japanese Army. Behind the telegram was the wrestling of power within the military command, and the scuffle triggered by a telegram became an unprecedented and strange chapter in the history of the Japanese army.
This essay profoundly reveals the intricate power struggles within the Japanese Army, and the chaos and chaos that it caused. The article uses a telegram as a clue to vividly outline the intrigues and disputes within the Kwantung Army, so that readers have a clear understanding of the chaotic situation at the top of the Japanese army at that time.
First of all, through the actions of major figures such as Nakajima, Isoya, and Ueda, the article reveals the unclear and chaotic distribution of power within the Kwantung Army. The vagueness of the wording in the telegram's response, which even caused confusion about the indistinguishability of superiors and subordinates, undoubtedly reflected the complexity of the internal relations within the top echelons of the Japanese military. Such confusion may lead to poor command and ineffective coordination in actual military operations, and will have a tremendous negative impact on the overall war situation.
Second, Masanobu Tsuji's unauthorized drafting and sending out telegrams made the whole mess even worse. The violations mentioned in the article are not only a disregard for the regulations, but also a disregard for the entire military chain of command. This kind of arbitrary practice was not only intolerable in the military, but also highlighted the conniving attitude of the Japanese army at that time towards power and personal action.
At the same time, the article describes the actions of Nakasa at the end of the year, showing the tactics adopted by some individuals in order to protect their own interests in the midst of chaos. After his arrival in Changchun, he was delayed for a whole day, which shows that some people do not hesitate to sacrifice the overall interests in order to seek personal interests in a chaotic situation, which is also a great challenge to organizational discipline and execution.
Finally, through a review of the entire incident, the article points out that this chaotic situation is the inevitable result of the Japanese Army's eagerness for quick success and deception at all levels. This is instructive for us to understand the internal workings of the Japanese military at that time and the root causes of the problems.
Overall, this article profoundly outlines the ugly side of the intrigues, confusion, and personal behavior of the Japanese Army's top brass at the time through a telegram incident. Such an in-depth analysis allows readers to understand the history and have a clearer understanding of the social and military system at that time.
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