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Editor-in-Chief: Cui Xiaohan Chief Writer: Xu Yan Consultant: Mao Xinyu.
Jiang Zhongshan's road of power scheme.
Prior to the establishment of the Whampoa Military Academy, Chiang held a handful of real power and served as chief of staff and staff to other warlords. However, on the occasion of the establishment of the Whampoa Military Academy, Chiang saw a great opportunity to build up his personal power. From the first period, he actively co-opted teachers and students, but ironically, many of the military commanders who later launched the armed uprising and created the Red Army were revolutionary students of the Whampoa Military Academy. Why did 2,000 students become opponents of their principal?
With the pull of ** personal kindness, he was despised by progressive youth.
In 1924, the Whampoa Military Academy was the product of Sun Yat-sen's "taking Russia as a teacher" and cooperating with the Chinese Communist Party. Chiang, the first principal, was quite progressive in the early days of the school, maintaining a close relationship with Soviet Russia and actively cooperating with the Communist Party. Against this background, a large number of progressive youths poured into the Whampoa Military Academy for training. However, as an ambitious Zhejiang, Chiang had not commanded battles in the past, but was adept at seeking personal gain among the warlords. He saw that military schools could cultivate private teams, so he launched activities to attract different targets.
Whoever serves the bowl and serves whom" became the criterion for Jiang's establishment of interpersonal relationships. He inherited the tradition of Zeng Guofan's establishment of the Hunan army, relying on his fellow villagers and relatives and friends, while basing the teacher-student relationship on personal favor. For the first three batches of students, especially the first batch, Chiang had a separate conversation to understand their political tendencies. Before ending the conversation, he always asked with concern, "What are the difficulties at home?""Communists at that time were educated to despise money and generally did not take the initiative to ask for money. If a student mentions a difficulty, Chiang will immediately give generously. According to the school's book statistics, Chiang's monthly special expenses are quite large. The more students asked his "headmaster" for money, the faster they later rose through the ranks. For students who are favored after a few special conversations, Chiang will often give some extra tasks to show his trust, and those who do well will receive special rewards. Teachers and students who do not pay attention to political principles can easily regard the "principal" as a parent who serves him personally without caring about right and wrong.
Chiang's personal co-optation technique did not work in the face of upright revolutionary youth.
However, in the face of upright revolutionary youth, Chiang's personal co-optation technique did not work. For Jiang Xianyun and Chen Geng, the two first-term students in the "Three Heroes of Whampoa", Jiang not only gave money many times, but also promised to follow them to be promoted quickly. But the two are politically unwavering. Chen Geng accepted Chiang's money because he saw that the party's activities were difficult to fund, so he handed over the money to the party organization. The first batch of students recalled that when he graduated, he was also asked by Jiang to talk alone, asking if life was difficult, and at the same time implicitly saying that he could provide financial assistance. The student, who had always adhered to integrity, was deeply disdainful of this method and chose to leave the Whampoa Army. After serving as a regimental deputy in the Northern Nationalist Army, the team was broken up, and he returned to the Huangpu Wuchang branch as a detachment leader, where he joined the Communist Party.
The face of the new warlords was exposed, and Whampoa was born into two factions.
In November 1924, the first phase of the Whampoa Military Academy graduated, and the Kuomintang began to establish a party army. Sun Yat-sen demanded that the party army change its recruitment methods and recruit from the peasant and trade unions in Guangdong and the revolutionary comrades in the provinces. However, Chiang disobeyed Sun Yat-sen's request and did not recruit troops from the Communist-led Guangdong Peasant Regiment and the Workers' League, but returned to Zhejiang to recruit troops, so that the soldiers in the regiment were all his fellow villagers. The two regiments established by Chiang were expanded into the First Army of the National Revolutionary Army the following year, and Chiang himself served as the commander, so that as long as the Whampoa students followed him, they could quickly rise to the ranks. By the time of the Northern Expedition, the army had expanded rapidly, and many of the first batch graduates became regimental commanders.
Huangpu Sheng, whom the Chiang family trusted, could be protected even if he broke the law and discipline in the army. This phenomenon of "relying on big trees to enjoy the shade and keeping up with the sun to get the light" made the Chiang family rely on the city's private favors and small favors to make some Kuomintang Whampoa people often say that "the principal's kindness is as heavy as a mountain", but the society ridiculed them as "rewarding them for wearing yellow coats" or "locusts". Although the Chiang clan established a powerful ** army through the Whampoa system, it eventually led to the loss of people's hearts.
The Huangpu students, who were Communist Party members who received revolutionary ideological education, firmly believed in doctrine rather than blindly following individuals. In the early days of the Whampoa Military Academy, the revolutionary students had a supportive attitude towards the principal, because Chiang seemed to stand on the side of the national revolution, and although he was not a leftist, he could be classified as a centrist. However, after the "Zhongshan Ship Incident" in the spring of 1926, Chiang forced the Communists to withdraw from the First Army and did not allow the Communist Party organizations in the Whampoa Military Academy to carry out public activities. This led to suspicion and dissatisfaction among many Whampoa students with the "principal".
Revolutionary Whampoa: The vanguard of the armed insurrection.
In the summer of 1924-1927, the Whampoa Military Academy and its branch schools trained more than 10,000 cadets, including more than 2,000 members of the Communist Party of China and the Communist Youth League. It was these more than 2,000 military cadres who became the main backbone of the Chinese Communist Party's Nanchang Uprising, Autumn Harvest Uprising, and Guangzhou Uprising in the autumn and winter of 1927. With the complete development of the Kuomintang and the Communist Party, the army led by the Communist Party developed rapidly on both sides of the Yangtze River. In 1931, Jiang found that his biggest headache was the Red Front Army led by **, and the chief of staff of the front army, Zhu Yunqing, the commander of the regiment, and others were all Whampoa students, and the political commissar of the corps *** and others were also Whampoa instructors. North of the Yangtze River, Chiang's biggest headache was the Red Fourth Front Army in the Hubei-Henan-Anhui Soviet Region, and the commander-in-chief of the Red Fourth Front Army was the first graduate of the Whampoa Military Academy. The main military commanders of the Red Fourth Front Army, such as Cai Shenxi, Chen Geng, Zeng Zhongsheng, and others, were also Whampoa students. At that time, as the head of the Communist Party of China's ** Military Commission, he was the director of the Political Department of the Whampoa Military Academy. Many of the teachers and students in the former school of these "Principal Chiang" became his strongest opponents in the future, and became the inevitable retribution for him to embark on the road of a new warlord.
After 1928, the headquarters of the Whampoa Military Academy in Guangzhou was moved to Nanjing, and it became the first military academy for Chiang's training of junior officers. At the same time, the Chinese Communists established base areas in the countryside and waged armed struggle, created the Red Army School, which ** even called "Hongpu". The revolutionary history of the Whampoa Military Academy has been carried forward among the military talents trained by the Communists. (To be continued).
ENDS) Whampoa Military Academy: The interweaving of power, loyalty and history.
This article profoundly depicts the complex appearance of the Whampoa Military Academy in the Chiang era, and shows the social background of the chaos between the Chinese and the Communist Party and the intensification of contradictions between the Kuomintang and the Communist Party at that time. Jiang Yat-sen's role at the Whampoa Military Academy was that of both a strategist and a personal co-opter, and he skillfully used means to successfully establish his own network of influence through money, regional sentiment and other factors. The article vividly illustrates in vivid detail Chiang's method of winning over the students, as well as the attitude of the revolutionary youth in the face of such selfish co-optation, showing two completely different spiritual outlooks.
In this process, the article not only reveals the resourcefulness of the conspirators, but also highlights the noble qualities of those revolutionary youths who uphold integrity and are not tempted by selfish favors. The upright students chose to stick to their political principles in the face of Chiang's co-optation, and this insistence eventually became the main force in which the Communists launched the Nanchang Uprising, the Autumn Harvest Uprising, and the Canton Uprising, demonstrating their loyalty to the revolutionary faith.
The article also uses vivid historical events to connect the development of the Whampoa Military Academy, especially highlighting that after the break between the Kuomintang and the Communist Party, the Whampoa students were divided into two camps, on the one hand, they became supporters of the new warlords, and on the other hand, they devoted themselves to the revolutionary cause of the Communist Party. This kind of historical ** laid the groundwork for the chaos of Chinese politics at that time, and also made the Whampoa students one of the most conspicuous political groups in modern Chinese history.
At the end of the article, the mention of Chiang's final headache **, the Communist-led army, and the Whampoa students becoming the strongest opponents of the new warlords left a deep impression on the reader. This kind of historical irony allows us to see the ultimate retribution of the conspirators, and also echoes the long history, and the final victory of justice will inevitably prevail over those who turn their backs on their original intentions.
Overall, the essay succeeds in sketching a complex picture of the Whampoa period through vivid descriptions and nuanced analysis. It is not only a microcosm of China's modern history, but also a profound reflection on the political, military, revolutionary and other issues of the time. This historical story is both embarrassing and thought-provoking, and it is of great significance for understanding China at that time and enlightening today's society.
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