Mao Zedong worried about revisionism, which led to the Cultural Revolution

Mondo Social Updated on 2024-02-03

Worries about revisionism led to the Cultural Revolution.

In"The Great Leap Forward"After the defeat of the People's Commune Movement, the comrades working in the front line had serious differences in their views on the economic situation and the work of adjusting it.

Treat this difference of opinion as a struggle between Marxism and revisionism. In response to this situation, the 10th Plenary Session of the 8th Central Committee in 1962 re-introduced the idea of class struggle and launched a struggle against revisionism and defense within the party.

After 1965, there were fears of possible revisionism. At the ** work conference on October 10, 1965, ** clearly put forward the question of how to deal with revisionism, and repeatedly emphasized: If ** revisionism appears, you should take action, and several provinces can unite and deal with it on their own; Now, you should pay attention to the fact that no matter who proposes it, whether it is ** or ** bureau or province, as long as it is not correct, you can not implement it.

You can even take action.

On July 16, 1966, the chairman swam in the Yangtze River. On December 5 of this year, ** returned to Jinggangshan at the age of 71 and wrote a poem: "You can go up to the moon for nine days, you can go down to the five seas to catch turtles, talk and laugh and triumphantly, there is nothing difficult in the world, as long as you are willing to climb." ”

These poems express his determination to resolutely fight against "revisionism" to the end and his confidence in victory.

Balance. ”

In December 1965, he returned to Jinggangshan to find a new way to solve problems for the country's development planning. He once stressed at a meeting in October 1964 that if revisionism appeared in China, all provinces should resist it, pass it on, and spread it to the counties until the problem was solved.

He also said that if there is revisionism, you want to rebel, and if the provinces have a small third line, can they rebel. Now you have to pay attention, no matter who says it, whether it is the ** bureau, the ** bureau or the provincial party committee, if it is not correct, you can not implement it.

In July 1966, ** said: "The former Municipal Party Committee is rotten, the Central Propaganda Department is rotten, the Ministry of Culture is rotten, the Ministry of Higher Education is rotten, and neither is the People's **." At that time, I could not control the power of the party, the power of propaganda work, the power of various provinces, and the power of various localities, such as the power of the Beijing Municipal Party Committee. ”

This shows that he has a deep understanding of the openness and comprehensiveness of the intra-party struggle. On February 3, 1967, when receiving foreign guests, ** said that the struggle within our Party had not been made public for many years, and that the problem had already been seen when the 7,000-member congress was held in 1962.

He said that in the past five years, there has been a lot of work that has not been done well, that is, we have engaged in individual problems and individual characters in the past.

We have engaged in some struggles in the literary and artistic circles, in the countryside, and in the factories, but these have not solved the problem, and we have not found a form, a way, to expose our dark side openly, comprehensively, and from the bottom up. ”

This shows that ** has a deep understanding and thinking about how to expose problems and solve them from the bottom up.

At a meeting on October 25, 1966, ** expressed concern about whether Beijing would be able to solve many problems, and said that he felt that his ideas could not be implemented and implemented in Beijing.

He warned about how to respond if revisionism emerges in Beijing. Since then, the divergent opinions on politics, economy, culture, diplomacy and other aspects have been put on the platform of class struggle and revisionism, believing that revisionism has emerged, there is a bourgeois headquarters, and capitalist restoration is imminent, so it is necessary to launch a "overthrow of revisionism", regain the rights usurped by revisionism, and build an ideal new society.

According to the "Resolution on Several Historical Issues of the Party Since the Founding of the People's Republic of China," under the influence of the Sino-Soviet polemic, a "anti-revision, defensive and repair" campaign was carried out in China, which made the mistake of expanding the class struggle more and more deeply penetrate into the party, so that normal dissent of opinion was regarded as an expression of revisionism or line struggle, which aggravated the tension within the party.

As a result, it is difficult for the party to resist left-leaning views, and the development of these views has led to the occurrence and continuation of "**."

In September 1961, ** in Lushan, Jiangxi, he made an estimate and judgment on the domestic intra-party political situation. So, what's the problem? The "Resolution on Several Historical Issues of the Party Since the Founding of the People's Republic of China" points out that since the history of the socialist movement is not long and the history of socialist countries is even shorter, we still lack sufficient understanding and exploration of the law governing the development of socialist society.

At the same time, because we have been in an environment of war and fierce class struggle for a long time in the past, we have lacked sufficient ideological preparation and scientific research for the nascent socialist society and the cause of socialist construction on a national scale.

In addition, our misunderstanding or dogmatization of certain assumptions and arguments in the writings of Marx, Engels, Lenin, and Stalin makes it appear that there is a "theoretical basis".

For example, if we think that the equal right to exchange the same amount of labor prevails in the distribution of the means of consumption in socialist society, we should limit and criticize the principle of distribution according to work and the principle of material interests. We believe that after the socialist transformation is basically completed, small-scale production will produce capitalism and the bourgeoisie in large numbers every day and every hour, so a series of left-leaning urban and rural economic policies and urban and rural class struggle policies have been formed.

This leads us to mistake the expansion of the class struggle for the defence of the purity of Marxism.

Therefore, in"***"The ideas that were labelled as revisionist or capitalist during this period actually followed the basic tenets of Marxism and the principles of socialism.

They clearly deviate from the idea of combining the universal principles of Marxism-Leninism with the concrete practice of the Chinese revolution. To be clear, not all ideological differences within the party are a direct reflection of the class struggle in society.

As a matter of fact, certain ideological differences, contradictions, and struggles within the Party, even in the context of the existence of the class struggle, are not all direct reflections of the class struggle in society within the Party.

** and *** fight side by side, however, historical facts tell us that a large number of contradictions and conflicts within the party do not come from the social class struggle, but from different views on the speed and method of construction.

These contradictions and conflicts stem from the complexity of the revolution and construction undertaking itself, as well as the differences in knowledge, experience, position, practical experience, ideological cultivation, and conditions and methods of understanding among party members.

In the socialist stage, when the exploiting class disappeared and economic construction became the central task, the differences of opinion within the party were more focused on the understanding and handling of the construction problem.

Therefore, we must carefully analyze and properly handle these ideological differences, and we must not blindly reduce them to the reflection of the class struggle in society.

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