When the news of my mission to the Soviet Union was announced, high hopes were placed on all sides. I received a series of receptions from friends, public and private organizations, and at each meeting, they all wanted me and asked me to try to get the Soviet troops to fight side by side with us against the Japanese invasion.
They believe that I will be able to carry out this important work, and they hope that it will not only be carried out, but also accomplished.
What is expressed in these meetings reflects the emotions of ordinary people. ** Increasingly the main war, moreover, the belief that the Soviet Union will intervene in our war of resistance against Japan. There are many reasons for this.
Although China and Japan did their best to create an atmosphere for negotiations, the Japanese troops in China continued to attack China and the people.
As a result, Soviet Ambassador to China Bogomolov had frequent contacts with the Chinese side and non-governmental organizations, signaling that the Soviet Union was ready to provide China with the assistance it needed.
He made generous promises, especially to the anti-Japanese people. Although he spoke more cautiously to the ** personnel, he was also quite successful, so that they all pinned their hopes on Soviet assistance.
When my appointment was officially announced, Bogomolov told me in the most affirmative tone that the Soviet Union could even accept the proposal to conclude a mutual assistance pact, and he did not speak of a non-aggression pact.
It is clear that Bogomolov wants China to fight against Japan as soon as possible. He also said that the Soviet Union could and should give China practical military assistance.
At the time, and even now, I don't believe that he deliberately deceived China; However, at that time, and even now, I doubted that the Soviet Union would authorize him to make commitments to China beyond the non-aggression pact.
He had his own reasons for the Soviet intervention in the war in the Far East, and he tried to achieve his goals. In 1935, the second Kuomintang-Communist cooperation occurred in China: first, the China ** movement was stopped; Second, war against Japan. And openly declared that as soon as China expressed its need, the Soviet Union would immediately prepare for war against Japan.
Despite Bogomolov's assurances and the shouts of a united front, I did not have high hopes for Soviet assistance. I think:
The Soviet Union seemed to be keeping the peace as much as possible, because it needed to complete the great construction of his own country in peace.
Based on the impressions I received during my visit to the Soviet Union in 1934, I believe that the Soviet Union could gain greater benefits from keeping the peace.
However, both the East and the West of the USSR were threatened. In 1936, I was not sure who would attack the Soviet Union first, either Germany or Japan. I think Stalin must have thought that Germany was a greater threat than Japan, because the Soviet Union was particularly important in Europe than in Asia, and even if Japan was able to occupy Siberia and the Urals, the Soviet Union would still be a great power;
But as soon as Germany occupied the territory of Soviet Europe, the fundamentals of the USSR were shaken.
The importance of these two fronts can be clearly seen in the situation of the Soviet garrison, which is outnumbered by three to one on both the Eurasian fronts.
Because of the above importance, we Chinese cannot expect the Soviet Union to sacrifice our own interests to help China. However, it is true that the Soviet Union, faced with its own danger, must have been anxious to enlist the assistance of its friends.
Therefore, my hope for success in the Soviet Union was based on the needs of the Soviet Union itself, not on its generosity.
In my confidential report to the chairman, I noted:
China's chances of an alliance with several countries, including the Soviet Union, were greater than the likelihood of a separate alliance between China and the Soviet Union. When we consider the needs of China, we must also take into account the needs of the Soviet Union, otherwise, diplomacy will not be possible.
In fact, my proposal was to form an anti-Japanese coalition.
As far as China is concerned, fighting Japan is a matter of life and death. I suggest that China give it all in. I think:
According to Soviet power estimates, he could only provide a maximum of thirty percent of his strength.
In particular, I am well aware that the extent of Soviet aid will depend on the assistance of Britain and the United States. I don't count France, not because I don't want French assistance, because I think France must concentrate all its forces in Europe.
I did not have the whimsical idea that China, or even myself, could organize an anti-Japanese grand coalition. Even if all parties agree to cooperate, it will be extremely difficult.
I was not optimistic about my conceptions, but a separate alliance with the USSR seemed hopeless, in my opinion. Except for the chairman, only Weng Wenhao has seen my report.
On October 21, 1936, I left Shanghai and arrived in Vladivostok on the night of the 25th. I wanted to stay in Hailan for a while, because the headquarters of the commander of the Soviet Far Eastern Military District, General Gallen, was there, and the chairman asked me to forward a signed photograph to him.
However, the Soviet representative in Vladivostok told me that the Soviet Union wanted me to arrive in Moscow on time in order to attend the revolutionary memorial on Red Square, and that the conductor had received an order to send me to Moscow as soon as possible.
Therefore, I can only dismiss the idea of visiting General Bruche. In fact, although I arrived in Moscow on November 7, it was too late and still did not make it to the celebration on Red Square.
Old photos of the streets of Moscow in the 1930s **From the Internet.
The diplomatic community in Moscow became an island in the sea of the Soviet Union, which forbade people to associate with foreign diplomats. The result of this situation has been a growing intimacy among diplomats.
Everyone believed that the Soviet Union was not administratively efficient, and diplomats who knew a little about the tsarist era often described to me the splendid civilization of the old days and the happiness of the people.
At that time, the Soviet newspapers were full of news of the Spanish Civil War. On 7 November, the slogans shouted at the commemoration of the Revolution also expressed sympathy and pledged support for the "democratic" parties in Spain.
I was puzzled by the fact that orphans of the Spanish Civil War had been adopted, many of them by the Soviets themselves, and that the Soviet interest in Spanish affairs was so high that I wanted to find out more. However, the answer I received was very different.
There is an argument that the Soviet Union wants to provoke a major war in Western Europe, so Britain, France, Germany, and Italy will all get involved, and they will not have time to care about the Soviet Union since they are all devoted to Europe.
Another version is that Stalin suffered difficulties. It is said that Stalin was not in fact the most popular person to be, and he had to be quite concerned about domestic and foreign opinions.
If he had ignored the struggle in Spain, the Soviet Union would have condemned him for not following Lenin's line, and the rest of the world would have lost faith in the Third International and would no longer regard Moscow as the mecca of world communism.
In these circumstances, Stalin had to give at least symbolic assistance to the Spanish Republic**. However, in order to avoid offending Britain and France, he did not dare to provide effective assistance.
It was further believed that certain Soviet diplomats in Spain and Western Europe were deliberately inciting revolution in Spain in order to trap the Soviet Union in it, thus causing a great international upheaval and taking advantage of the opportunity to shake Stalin's dominance.
Those who wanted the Soviet Union to preserve its strength in anticipation of a different day against Germany lamented the Kremlin's approach.
It is said that the Soviet policy in Spain had offended the French and seriously affected the Franco-Soviet mutual assistance agreement, leaving France with no choice but to rely entirely on the British.
It was also said that, in reviewing the Soviet policy in Spain, France found that it was increasingly incongruous with its satellites, and that he began to think that it might be more in its interest to establish relations with Germany.
Old photos of the Moscow Theater in the 1930s **From the Internet.
Shortly after arriving in Moscow, the Soviet Union invited the diplomatic corps to the Bolsh Theatre to see the opera "Carmen".
Carmen's ** is French, and the story is Spanish. The French ambassador Colande humorously said to Litvinov: "Hey! Mr. Livinov, you entertained us with French and Spanish things. ”
Chesston, the British ambassador to the Soviet Union, went so far as to accuse Litvinov of guilt and left halfway through. Soon after, Cowlande also retired early.
At this time, Litvinov seized the opportunity, saying: "At least in terms of social entertainment, France does not need to take the lead of England." ”
Soon after I arrived in Moscow, Davis became the U.S. ambassador to the Soviet Union. We quickly became friends. Although the United States is the largest capitalist country in the world, Davis discovered that the Soviet Union had many commendable strengths.
However, he also made it clear that he believed liberalism was the best policy. Even he found the Soviet way of life to be disgusting.
One day, when I visited him, I noticed that while we were talking, he kept hitting the table with a pencil, much like a Chinese monk knocking on a wooden fish to chant sutras. I was puzzled by this, and later he told me that this was the best way to prevent the recording and eavesdropping of the Soviet secret service "GPU".
Although Davis had sent American telecommunications experts to inspect the U.S. Embassy, he was still not convinced that there were no wiretapping and recording equipment secretly arranged by the Soviet Union in the wall.
I don't want to investigate whether the Soviet Union has set up recording and tapping equipment in the Chinese embassy, because I believe that I am no match for Soviet agents in this respect.
Davis and I wanted to talk freely together without the interference of spies and bugging devices. At first, we thought we could talk while we were in the car, but neither of us was sure if our driver was a spy or not.
Eventually, we decided to go on a trip, but as soon as we got out of the car, four spy friends followed us.
I was determined not to let the Soviet agents disturb my calm mind. I am well aware that I am not qualified to criticize the social and economic situation in the USSR.
Because: first, I don't know enough about the Soviet Union; Second, the situation in my own country is also very bad.
In particular, some of the leading elements of the Soviet Union with whom I came into contact gave me a rather good impression. For example, Kalinin, the nominal leader of the Soviet Union, met on my first visit to Moscow and toasted together.
His attitude is very democratic, and he treats everyone equally, regardless of whether he is inferior or inferior. In presenting him credentials, I made it clear to him and Litvinov that I was not very fond of the intricacies of diplomacy.
Jia immediately reassured me and said, "Don't worry, none of us are career diplomats." If diplomacy is engaged, it is because of the needs of facts. In my opinion, I like to do diplomacy my own way. ”
In the past, he worked as a coppersmith. Obviously, he has read a lot of books about China and is very clear about our resources. In addition to expressing confidence in China's future, he also said very kindly: "We Soviets hope that China will become rich and strong, and the stronger the better." ”
Old photos of Litvinov **From the Internet.
I met with Litvinov often, sometimes on business, sometimes socially. Nowadays, when I think back to those years in Moscow, I consider Litvinov to be the greatest European statesman of the interwar period. It may be his straightforward and sharp personality that makes me admire him.
I went to the Soviet Union for a fixed purpose, so I began my real work as soon as possible. I told Litvinov that I had been instructed to negotiate further relations between China and the Soviet Union.
At first he said that he would wait for Bogomolov to return, and in fact Bogomolov had already arrived in Moscow the second week after my arrival.
I think it is also reasonable that the Soviet Union would need to consult with the Soviet ambassador to China when considering further relations with China. However, Bogomolov returned home to attend the National Congress. It was not until the beginning of December that we began formal negotiations.
In Moscow, as in China, Bogomolov constantly proposed further Sino-Soviet relations. I told him:
China had no interest in a purely Sino-Soviet non-aggression pact, because such a treaty would not meet the real needs of the Soviet Union.
It is clear that neither country will fear aggression from the other. We don't need a non-aggression pact, we need a treaty of active mutual assistance.
Bao agrees with me. He said that his ** would take my advice to a limited extent. His answer seemed very sincere.
I asked him if he could force the Soviet Union to withdraw its military forces from the Far East if Germany attacked the Soviet Union. He doesn't think so.
I asked him: did the Soviet-French Covenant have an effect on this? Because, I think, France probably wanted the Soviet Union to put all its efforts in Europe.
Bogomolov said that the Franco-Soviet treaty did not limit the actions of the Soviet Union in the Far East.