Recently, a reader asked Zhang Tingyu through a private message whether he was the most powerful one among all the Hanchens in the Qing Dynasty, and asked the imperial historian to sort out the entire history of the Qing Dynasty to determine who the top three Hanchens with the highest real power were.
This kind of question is actually the most difficult to give an answer to, because there are many unstable elements in assessing the power of the minister, and it is difficult to give a unified answer. The power of ministers is, in fact, a complex issue. However, considering the reader's interest, Goshi decided to discuss this topic in depth from his own point of view.
The number one is Yue Zhongqi.
Putting Yue Zhongqi in the first place, this may be unexpected by everyone, whether it is reasonable to stay calm and listen to the opinion of the imperial history.
Yue Zhongqi has a typical military general background, and according to conventional logical reasoning, a pure military position**, no matter how high his title or how big his position, cannot compete with civilian officials. Although Yue Zhongqi was born as a military general, he has the ambition of civil governance. If we extend the scope to the Manchu and Han ministers, then Yue Zhongqi is undoubtedly a figure who cannot be included in the list under any circumstances.
However, among all the Hanchens, Yue Zhongqi has a unique advantage that other Hanchens do not have. Yue Zhongqi's ability complemented his background, and his talent was fully demonstrated during his tenure as governor of Sichuan and Shaanxi. First of all, the governor of Sichuan and Shaanxi he served as had extremely high social value, and this governor of Sichuan and Shaanxi was actually the predecessor of the later governor of Shaanxi and Gansu.
It is generally accepted that in the Qing Dynasty, among the governors of the provinces, the status of the governor of Zhili was the highest, and this statement is not wrong. In the Qing Dynasty officialdom, the governor of Shaanxi and Gansu had always been regarded as the best in Manchuria, however, the appearance of Yue Zhongqi changed this situation, and his appointment demonstrated the trust and importance that Emperor Yongzheng placed in him. But if you want to discuss the criteria for appointment, then the governor of Shaanxi and Gansu is definitely the first choice. From the beginning of the Qing Dynasty to the Daoguang period, the position of governor of Shaanxi and Gansu was usually filled by full staff. Although the Ministry of Officials did not explicitly define it as a true "full vacancy", in the official view, the position of governor of Shaanxi and Gansu was generally regarded as a full vacancy. Yue Zhongqi's appointment caused a sensation, as he was not only a Han Chinese, but also the first candidate in the history of the Qing Dynasty to serve as governor of Shaanxi and Gansu. Yue Zhongqi became the first Han person to serve as the governor of Shaanxi and Gansu, which fully demonstrated the deep trust that Emperor Yongzheng had in him.
Secondly, Yue Zhongqi once held the position of General Ning Yuan. Just because Yue Zhongqi was appointed as the governor of Shaanxi and Gansu, it does not fully prove her social status and identity, because after Emperor Daoguang, there were several Han ministers who continued to hold this important position, among which General Ning Yuan was the key factor in Yue Zhongqi's ability to rank first.
In the Qing Dynasty, although a general was not considered a formal official position, his social status far surpassed that of all other official positions. In the early Qing Dynasty, the position of general was seen as a symbol of supreme power. At the beginning of the Qing Dynasty, only the prince of Kai would be appointed as a general. In the Kangxi and Yongzheng dynasties, the position of general may have been held by a prince of the clan or by a nobleman with a different surname in Manchuria, and the position of general was never given to the Han Chinese.
Yue Zhongqi was the only person in the history of the Qing Dynasty to serve as a general as a Han Chinese, and with this title, Yue Zhongqi was able to control the armies of the Eight Banners and the Green Battalion. Yue Zhongqi is in a foreign land and is in charge of the army. Thus, from historical sources, we know that "at the end of the Qing Dynasty, the Han ministers were made generals, and the Manchurian soldiers were included and restrained, except Zhong Qi".
In addition to this, Yue Zhongqi was also made a third-class prestige duke, and although the Han feudal system was relatively rare, he still did not appear so outstanding compared to General Ning Yuan.
In second place is Zeng Guofan.
Tsang Guofan, a prominent figure from the Hanlin dynasty, was able to rise to prominence in modern China as one of the most high-profile civil officials, thanks in large part to the Taiping Heavenly Kingdom movement.
Since the establishment of the Hunan Army in the second year of Xianfeng, Zeng Guofan has been in an awkward position for the next eight years. Emperor Xianfeng did not give him the responsibility of governor, but gave him the title of empty squire with no real power. During his tenure as governor of Liangjiang, he lived up to expectations, carefully reorganized the army, and improved combat readiness. It was not until the tenth year of Xianfeng that the imperial court reluctantly granted Zeng the position of governor of Liangjiang.
The glorious period of Zeng Guofan was reached with the assistance of the two empress dowagers, Prince Gong and Prince Gong, so the imperial court gave him the duties of minister and assigned him to be in charge of the military affairs of the four provinces. Zeng Guofan used wisdom and strategy to stabilize the southeastern territory. It is no exaggeration to say that the imperial court has completely transferred most of the territory in the southeast to the Zeng State Domain.
After the recapture of Jinling, Zeng Guofan was made a first-class marquis for his outstanding contributions and was appointed a scholar of Wuyingdian University. This not only means that he has made great military development and improvement, but also shows that Zeng Guofan has begun to transform into a modern bureaucracy. More importantly, in the process of suppressing the Taiping Rebellion, the prestige of the imperial court gradually weakened, and Zeng Guofan gained unprecedented local real power, which allowed him to better supervise and control the situation of military, financial, and personnel power, which began with Zeng Guofan.
Before the Tongzhi period, the local governor was regarded as an important ** in the feudal territory, but from the time of Zeng Guofan, the local governor gradually emerged and became an important local prince. Under the influence of Zeng Guofan, the Hunan army rose to become a hegemon. At the same time, the Hunan military group, with Zeng Guofan as the core, almost completely controlled the power of the various provinces. In the history of the Eight Governors and Fifteen Fu, most of them were subordinates of Zeng Guofan, so people in later generations generally believe that Zeng Guofan was the ancestor of modern warlords.
In third place is Li Hongzhang.
After the death of Zeng Guofan, Li Hongzhang followed his legacy, and while carrying out a large-scale suppression of the Hunan army group, the imperial court also supported the Huai army group in particular. The Huai Army was highly regarded for its combat effectiveness, and Li Hongzhang took the opportunity to promote its elite generals, and its strength was significantly enhanced. In the context of the Eight Banners and the Green Battalion being unable to fight due to corruption, the Huai Army changed from its original regimental training status to the state's economic control army, and the Qing Dynasty therefore handed over the main responsibility of national defense and border defense to Li Hongzhang.
In terms of holding official positions, Li Hongzhang was better than the blue, and he actively promoted the development of foreign affairs based on the Huai Army, and finally won the leading control of the finances of the southeastern provinces.
From the ninth year of Tongzhi, Li Hongzhang was appointed governor of Zhili and concurrently served as minister of Beiyang, he successfully integrated military, financial, and diplomatic powers, and in a short time established the Beiyang Naval Division, China's first modern navy.
At the height of his career, he was appointed a scholar of the Mandarin Palace, the governor of Zhili, the minister of Beiyang, and the deputy minister of the navy. As an important politician of the Qing Dynasty, Li Hongzhang was well versed in national politics, and his way of governance can be said to be a reference for future generations. In fact, during Li Hongzhang's reign, he played an indispensable role in both domestic and foreign affairs. In other words, if Li Hongzhang did not agree with the major decisions of the imperial court, then it would be difficult for those decisions to be put into practice.
From an objective point of view, Li Hongzhang's power seems to surpass that of Zeng Guofan, but there is a certain causal connection behind this. Li Hongzhang was a protégé of Zeng Guofan, and all his achievements were based on Zeng Guofan, so he was ranked after Zeng Guofan.
When Zhang Tingyu was mentioned at the beginning, Yushi felt that he not only could not enter the top three, but might even be difficult to enter the top ten. Zhang Tingyu has a heavy responsibility, but his talent is in line with his responsibility, and he does not forget to be humble and obedient when he is in charge of military and political power. Although Zhang Tingyu is also a scholar of the Baohedian University, the foreman of the military aircraft, and the only Han ** appointed to the Taimiao, this is just an honor.
Zhang Tingyu's role is essentially a secretary, lacking decision-making power in any aspect, and at most making suggestions, whether the emperor is willing to listen or not. In the imperial court, the power of these extremely powerful ministers seems to be a fictitious red tape, although they are in high positions, they are like walking on a tightrope of power, and they may lose their balance if they are not careful. Not only Zhang Tingyu, but also Hanchen like Yu Minzhong and Cao Zhenyong, they are all people with high status but not significant power.