Throughout the ages, rebels have had no more than two endings: either they will die or they will completely overthrow their opponents. Compromise is tantamount to chronic suicide.
Prigozhin didn't know if he didn't realize this, or if he was overconfident in his position, and finally used the price of his death in a plane crash to once again confirm the eternal truth.
When a rebel, especially a Russian rebel, it is important to be aware of this. Because the FSB of Russia, which was established on the basis of the KGB, is absolutely blue.
In addition, the Anti-Terrorism Act of the Russian Federation allows law enforcement officials to execute extremists and terrorists abroad, and a Russian rebel has a sword of Damocles hanging over his head even if he flees to the ends of the earth.
It is conceivable that Prigozhin's death will become another unsolved case. In fact, he is not the first, among the famous Russian rebels, there are many more who have died mysteriously. Today we will briefly take stock of the stories of several famous Russian rebels.
In 1997, Yeltsin's second term of office was called "the most important in years" in what has been called the "most important" cabinet reform, and the most eye-catching person in this reform was Nemtsov.
At the age of 38, Nemtsov was appointed first deputy prime minister. In order to persuade Nemtsov to take up the post, Yeltsin even sent his daughter on a special plane to do his work.
Yeltsin also unabashedly told the public that he wanted to support Nemtsov as a leading person, and he promised in public that Nemtsov would remain at his post until 2000. Because Yeltsin's term ended in 2000, he was frail and sickly and considered retiring. wordsThe external meaning is Jean Nemtsov**.
Nemtsov can be described as young and ambitious. After the Chernobyl nuclear power plant incident, Nemtsov repeatedly organized environmental protection activities, and for a time became famous and began to get involved in politics. Later he was absorbed by Yeltsin, appointed as a representative in the Nizhny Novgot region, and gradually rose to the rank of governor.
During his tenure as governor, he vigorously promoted privatization reforms, achieved great achievements, and was called the "laboratory of reform". Coupled with its own integrity, it has won a lot of supporters.
Due to his financial difficulties, Yeltsin was challenged by many opponents, and his position was not secure. He reused reform elites like Nemtsov, on the one hand, in the hope of vigorously promoting economic reforms, and on the other hand, in the hope that young faces would change the image of the ruling team in order to win popular support.
After taking office, Nemtsov reorganized the monopoly group and vigorously promoted the housing reform, which was warmly welcomed by the people. In the polls of that summer, Nemtsov's approval rating as a potential candidate exceeded 50%.
However, the world is unpredictable, in 1998 the economic crisis struck, and Russia collapsed. The extreme reforms promoted by the Cabinet of Ministers of the Economic Team were seen as the culprit in the economic crisis, and Nemtsov was forced to resign.
Almost at the same time, Putin became chairman of the FSC and was appointed prime minister the following year. He handled the Chechen crisis with an iron fist, and finally consolidated his position as the best person.
After that, Nemtsov himself organized a team to run for election and became a representative of the liberal wing of Russia, which precisely contradicted Putin's governing philosophy.
In particular, in 2004, Nemtsov served as an economic adviser to Ukraine's Yushchenko, who was a well-rounded pro-Western and had almost every conflict with Russia during his tenure. Nemtsov also inevitably clashed with Putin.
Nemtsov has often criticized Putin's policies, such as the use of Sochi as the site for the Winter Olympics, saying that Mr. Putin "found the only place in Russia where there is no snow in winter......Sochi is the first belt region where people prefer football, volleyball and swimming".
In 2014, after the Ukraine crisis erupted, Nemtsov spoke out against Russia's annexation of Crimea and planned anti-war demonstrations. He also intended to write a report certifying the presence of Russian troops in the eastern part of Ukraine, which Russian officials strongly denied at the time.
Late at night on February 27, 2015, Nemtsov was walking on a bridge over the Moscow River with his Ukrainian model girlfriend. A snowplow drove slowly behind them, just in the way of blocking the view of the camera across the bridge when the snowplow caught up with them.
A gunman fired four shots in Nemtsov's back, then immediately ran to the middle of the road, got into a speeding car and fled the scene. Nemtsov was killed on the spot.
After the incident, the Russian investigation determined that 5** were from Chechnya, and one of them was a junior officer of the Kadyrov security forces. ** They confessed that they were asked to kill Nemtsov for 15 million rubles, but the identity and whereabouts of the hired person were not officially announced.
This has also become an unsolved case.
On the afternoon of October 7, 2006, a woman had just returned from shopping at a supermarket in an apartment on Lesnaya Street in the center of Moscow. She first carried two bags of food from the trunk of her car home.
She then returned to pick up three more bags of vegetables and groceries, but as soon as the elevator door opened, a man fired three shots at her, killing the woman instantly. **At the time of the incident, nearby neighbors did not notice anything unusual because the killer had installed a muffler.
The murdered woman's name was Politkovskaya, and she was a well-known journalist in Russia. Her father was a Soviet staff member at the United Nations, so she was born in the United States and has dual citizenship.
Politkovskaya graduated from the Faculty of Journalism of Moscow State University, and during the Second War, she went to the front line several times to cover the situation and wrote a lot of wonderful reports. As a result, he won the Golden Pen Award of Russia and became famous.
Most of Politkovskaya's articles are from the perspective of civilians, reporting on the disasters suffered by civilians in war, as well as the ugliness of war. She believes that Chechens have suffered an apocalyptic act of ethnic genocide and criticizes Putin's war policy.
At the same time, she accused the men of the later Chechen leader Kadyrov's men of wantonly torturing and even killing civilians. Kadyrov himself was ridiculed as "a coward armed to the teeth, surrounded by guards."
Chechnya is basically a place outside the law of Russia, and no one dares to care about Kadyrov at all, and the consequences of offending him can be imagined. It was also from the position of opposition to the war that Politkovskaya was also valued by the Chechen militants.
Chechen militants carried out terrorist attacks in 2002 and 2004, taking hostages and threatening Russia**. In both cases, the militants demanded that Politkovskaya act as a communicator with **.
But Putin is very resolute in his attitude towards *** and is unwilling to make any compromises, and the presence of Politkovskaya has become a kind of resistance to the implementation of tough measures.
On 2 September 2004, Politkovskaya flew to Beslan to participate in mediation negotiations. On the plane, she didn't eat dinner, just asked the flight attendant for a cup of tea. After drinking, she felt unwell and fainted.
Politkovskaya was taken to the hospital, where she was diagnosed with poisoning with an unknown toxin. At first, doctors thought she was hopeless, but in the evening, her condition suddenly improved, and she was transferred to a hospital in Moscow, where she missed the Beslan hostage incident.
Having picked up a small life, Politkovskaya still did not flinch and continued to publish a series of articles critical of Chechnya until she was shot.
After Politkovskaya was killed, the newspaper where she worked before her death offered a reward of 25 million rubles for clues, and also pointed the finger at Kadyrov.
However, Kadyrov said that someone deliberately framed him to prevent him from being appointed by Putin as Chechnya**.
Eventually, an official investigation determined that several of the direct culprits were from Chechnya, who had been bribed by a "Chechen bigwig" to obtain information about Politkovskaia's address and activities through FSB personnel, and eventually carried out the assassination.
But as in the Nemtsov case, the "big guys" behind the scenes were not dug up.
Politkovskaya Litvinenko was a KGB officer who worked in military counterintelligence until the collapse of the Soviet Union. After that, he joined the Russian Federal Counterintelligence Service, where he was mainly responsible for counter-terrorism activities and organized crime.
Litvinenko has long cooperated with Russia's criminal investigation services, and in 1994 he met the financial oligarch Berezovsky while investigating an assassination attempt.
Berezovsky, known as the godfather of the Kremlin, was powerful during the Yeltsin era. When Yeltsin was in financial difficulties and the election was passive, he recruited seven big oligarchs to help him and finally reversed himself, and Berezovsky was one of them.
Subsequently, Berezovsky extended his tentacles into political circles. Putin became the head of the Federal Security Service thanks to Berezovsky's help.
It was only later that Putin forbade oligarchs to interfere in politics after he became the first to do so, and Berezovsky still wanted to be the boss behind the scenes, and did the original trick, and the two turned against each other. Of course, that's an afterthought.
Litvinenko made a contribution to the investigation of the assassination, and the unit simply sent him specifically to protect the oligarchs. Berezovsky was protected by him and hired him as a security adviser, and the dual position was tolerated by the authorities at the time.
It was also with Berezovsky's influence that Litvinenko was promoted to the post of head of the Federal Security Service for the analysis and suppression of criminal groups. After working for a while, he found that the problem of corruption in this unit was very serious. It was reported to Putin, but the latter was unmoved.
On November 13, 1998, Berezovsky suddenly sent an open letter to Putin, then head of the Federal Security Service, accusing Putin's subordinates of ordering his assassination.
Four days later, Litvinenko held a press conference with four ** and said basically the same thing as Berezovsky. They also accuse their bosses of ordering them to kill, kidnap or frame prominent Russian politicians and businessmen.
The incident caused an uproar and made Putin very passive. Litvinenko, despite being a member of the FSB, apparently fought over the side of the oligarch Berezovsky, who was subsequently fired and faced a series of criminal charges.
Litvinenko was detained for eight months, but was arrested immediately after his acquittal and released only a month later, but was still ordered not to leave the city where he lived.
Litvinenko, with his professional sensitivity, had a premonition that he was in danger, and immediately fled out of the country and came to Turkey via Ukraine. He had offered political asylum to the United States, but the Americans rejected him because they saw him as worthless.
With the help of a friend, he was granted permission to transit through the UK, and as soon as he arrived at the airport, he applied for political asylum in the UK, obtained permission, and eventually became a British citizen.
After escaping abroad, he could have lived in peace, but he was not reconciled, and continued to publish some unknown inside stories of the Russian Federal Security Service, and even reported some informants in other countries who were related to the Russian Federal Security Service.
Litvinenko was open-mouthed, and the more he talked about it, the more outrageous it became, and he even believed that a series of terrorist activities carried out by Chechen *** in Russia before were planned by Russia itself.
At the same time, he and some former KGB** who also defected abroad to investigate the real culprit behind the assassination of the aforementioned female journalist.
On 1 November 2006, Litvinenko suddenly fell ill and was admitted to the hospital, where he himself reported to the police that he had been poisoned. But the hospital could not find out what poison he had, and Litvinenko was hospitalized for 18 days, and various organs had begun to fail.
His urine and blood were sent to a top-secret nuclear research site in the United Kingdom for testing, and a researcher inadvertently discovered that his symptoms were suspected to be caused by polonium-210 radiation. This radioactive substance is ingested into the body, which can destroy cells and cause death.
By the time the final test results were confirmed, Litvinenko was already dying.
Why did Litvinenko suffer from radioactive material?According to his recollections, the day before he was admitted to the hospital, he had met with two former colleagues from Russia at a hotel and had tea. He suspected that the two men had been poisoned.
The United Kingdom** intervened in the investigation and found that the two Russians had entered the UK by plane via Germany. Polonium-210 contamination was detected on flights they took, hotels they stayed in, and restaurants they ate at. In particular, the bar where Litvinenko met was the most polluted.
But by this time, the two suspects had already returned to Russia, and Britain asked Russia to extradite the suspects, but was refused. Russian officials have also denied any involvement in the case.
So far, the case remains pending.
These three examples can be seen that after the unnatural death of a famous rebel, the ** behind the scenes will not appear. Prigozhin's case will also become an open one, and the answer may not be revealed for decades.