The attitude of the United States in the field of high-tech has recently appeared contradictory. On the one hand, U.S. Secretary of Commerce Raimondo recently said at a defense forum in California that he hopes U.S. companies will help prevent China from acquiring key technologies such as cutting-edge semiconductors and artificial intelligence.
This is in line with the previous US efforts to suppress China's scientific and technological development by increasing technology export controls and other means.
On the other hand, NASA submitted a formal report to the U.S. Congress at the end of November, requesting that the existing ban on U.S.-China space cooperation be lifted.
The ban was an early U.S. Congressional bill that explicitly prohibits NASA from engaging in any form of cooperation with the Chinese space sector.
NASA's proposed cooperation is related to the steady progress of China's manned space program. In June, China officially unveiled a roadmap for its manned space program over the next 30 years, including the establishment of a space station, the realization of a lunar base and the exploration of Mars.
Then, in October, China announced that it would launch Chang'e-7 in 2025 to achieve China's first manned landing on the moon. These advances have accelerated anxiety in the United States, which fears that China will be quickly thrown behind in the space domain.
As a result, the report asks Congress to lift the ban and agree to allow NASA-linked U.S. scholars to apply to China for lunar soil and rock samples collected during the Chang'e-5 mission for scientific analysis.
NASA's rationale is that the samples come from regions of the moon that have not been set foot in by the United States before, and have unique scientific exploration value. It also raised the slogan that science knows no borders, claiming that this would ensure that U.S. researchers have equal opportunities to collaborate with their global counterparts.
However, from an objective point of view, the U.S. space industry is facing a systemic decline, and it may be difficult to reverse the situation with limited cooperation with China alone.
The main manifestations are as follows: First, funding continues to decline. Since the end of the moon landing program, NASA's budget has been cut year after year, and the cumulative reduction has been more than 80% since then. As a result, NASA lost the ability to organize and implement large-scale projects autonomously.
Second, there is a lack of motivation and purpose. After the end of the Cold War, the impetus for space competition was cut off, and the U.S. Congress and ** did not propose any incentivized space exploration programs.
Third, excessive reliance on private enterprises. The United States is now trying to promote the renewal of space science and technology by supporting private enterprises represented by Musk's SpaceX, but the cooperation model is limited, and the core technology is still in the hands of the first company.
Moreover, in the current environment, the U.S. Congress is actually more concerned with dealing with China's military pressure on the ground than with space competition.
In contrast, China's space program is gaining momentum, despite the same practical constraints as funding. Despite limited resources, China has made a series of landmark achievements in manned spaceflight, lunar exploration, and space station construction.
This is due to the country's strategic attention and long-term planning for the space industry. In addition, China is also taking the initiative to open up space and share the fruits with the world.
It has now been announced that samples of the far side of the moon for Chang'e-6 in 2024 will be open for applications from scientific institutions in all UN member states. As for the United States, shouldn't it first correct its attitude before opening its mouth?