In October 1924, the political situation in China was turbulent, challenging and uncertain. At this turbulent moment, Sun Yat-sen, as the standard-bearer of the Chinese revolution, was summoned to the north to consult with warlords such as Zhang Zuolin and Duan Qirui. However, this trip north was not a discussion in the true sense of the word, but an encounter that had been predestined for a long time.
Zhang and Duan had bad intentions and had already willingly accepted the unequal treaties imposed by the Great Powers. Despite Sun Yat-sen's hopes for consensus, the talks reached an impasse and ended with Sun's angry departure.
Sun Yat-sen, who was physically and mentally exhausted, was furious, and the anger and disappointment in his heart almost killed his last shred of life. This anger undoubtedly worsened his already unfortunate condition. In January of the following year, he embarked on a difficult journey to Beijing***, hoping to save his life in his treatment.
However, the harsh reality hits everyone. The doctor ruthlessly announced the diagnosis: advanced liver cancer. Although Mr. Sun actively accepted the cutting-edge ** at that time, his condition continued to deteriorate and he was in danger.
Sun Yat-sen, the founder of the Chinese revolution and the soul leader of the Kuomintang, his illness touched the hearts of the Chinese people. The Kuomintang was panicked and expected a miracle, but had to prepare for the worst.
After the Political Committee faced the grim situation and the deterioration of Sun Yat-sen's condition, they were deeply saddened and realized that they had to prepare his will in advance to prepare for the worst that might come.
Sun Yat-sen, the aura of a leader shrouded him, but on the sickbed, he faced the passing of his life. Despite being on his sickbed, his heart is on the future of his family and his country. To this end, he prepared three wills, each of which carried his concerns and concerns about different things.
The great leader dictated these wills while he was still conscious, two of which were recorded by Wang Jingwei, showing Sun Yat-sen's deep concern for his family and state affairs. The third recorded Sun Yat-sen's feelings and expectations for the Soviet Union, recorded by Soviet adviser Borodin, and revised and reviewed by the Political Committee.
On February 24, 1924, Sun Yat-sen's condition deteriorated rapidly, and the "Political Committee" sent Kong Xiangxi, Song Ziwen, Sun Ke and Wang Jingwei to visit him. Among the four representatives, except for Wang Jingwei, the other three all had close family ties with Sun Yat-sen, but Wang Jingwei was finally chosen as the representative.
Next to Sun Yat-sen's sickbed, Wang Jingwei stood, holding several wills in his hands, his expression serious and solemn. Soviet advisers and guards gathered around, and everyone was silent, except for Wang Jingwei, who stared at Sun Yat-sen lying on the bed with a firm gaze.
This leader, who once galloped across the centuries, is now involuntarily unable to help himself. Although his body was not at ease, his eyes still flashed with the clarity and firmness of the past.
We have compiled your explanation, and now we need your review. Wang Jingwei's voice was calm and powerful, and the will in his hand gently flipped between his fingers, as if carrying the weight of the entire era. At this critical moment, he made steady and meticulous preparations to ensure that Sun Yat-sen's wishes could be best expressed.
Sun Yat-sen may have felt the imminence of life, but his will has not wavered in the slightest. Wang Jingwei chose to read it to him personally, and every word seemed to echo Sun Yat-sen's firm will. His voice was sonorous and powerful, as if he wanted to engrave these wills in time, forever.
By the side of the silent sickbed, Sun Yat-sen lay calmly, listening intently to Wang Jingwei's detailed description of the contents of the will. His gaze was clear and contemplative, and in this instrument that testified to his heart, he found a sense of peace and trust. Sun Yat-sen nodded silently, as if silently promising that his legacy would continue to be passed on in the hands of future generations.
The words in the will are not enough to express all the words of Sun Yat-sen's heart. Under Wang Jingwei's listening, Sun Yat-sen confided more to him, and these precious words were not limited by pen and paper, but were conveyed directly from the bottom of his heart to his heart. In the end, Song Qingling ghostwrote and signed his name on several wills, and the signature in that pen seemed to carry the responsibility and mission of an era.
Sun Yat-sen's sickbed was surrounded by countless eyes of concern and apprehension. It's March, and the body of the great man continues to struggle under the torture of illness, hovering between lethargy and wakefulness day and night.
Even in his coma, his heart still called for those inspiring words: "peace", "struggle", and "salvation". These words seemed to be his last call, piercing the air of the hospital room, and the people guarding the bedside couldn't help but burst into tears.
In the morning before dawn, Sun Yat-sen woke up from his slumber and called for his wife Song Qingling. Holding her hands with a weak force, he called out softly to "Jingwei". Song Qingling hurriedly summoned the guards, hoping that Wang Jingwei would be able to meet Sun Yat-sen for the last time.
By the time Wang Jingwei arrived, Sun Yat-sen's life was in jeopardy. He tried to open his mouth, as if trying to say something, but couldn't make a sound. At half past nine in that dawn, Mr. Sun Yat-sen, China's great patriot, national hero, and pioneer of the democratic revolution, ended his 59-year life journey.
The recollections of the guard Li Rong and the Soviet adviser Borodin both describe the fragments of Sun Yat-sen's deathbed. Although he expressed his attention and appreciation to Wang Jingwei, he did not explicitly specify the choice of any ** person. In the regret of the unfinished revolution, he calmly bid farewell to this world.
Sun Yat-sen's death plunged the Kuomintang into an unprecedented crisis. Without the light that led them, they faced great losses and daunting challenges. Mr. Sun's departure is not only a personal loss, but also a great loss to the cause of the Chinese revolution. His death sparked worries about the future and an urgent need for people, which was an insurmountable turning point in the history of the Kuomintang.
On May 24, 1925, the Kuomintang issued a manifesto stating that they would continue to pursue national independence and national equality in the footsteps of Premier Sun Yat-sen. This manifesto marked the KMT's eagerness to fill the leadership vacancy, unite and find a new direction.
After a series of reforms and reorganizations, the KMT formally formed the KMT in July and elected 16 members. But this is not the ultimate goal, and the next important step is to elect the chairman of the national ** from among these commissioners.
Although all the members of the National Committee are theoretically eligible to participate in the presidential election, in practice, only Hu Hanmin, Tan Yanmin and Wang Jingwei are really qualified to participate in the competition.
Hu Hanmin, as the "first-class generalissimo", naturally became the focus of attention after the transformation of the Kuomintang army into the first-class. His competitiveness is self-evident, he is in a high position and quite powerful.
Tan Yanmin attracted much attention because he was valued by Sun Yat-sen in the later period of the Northern Expedition. While Sun Yat-sen was heading north, he remained at the headquarters of the Northern Expedition and managed important affairs, which gave him a certain prestige and influence in the political arena.
Wang Jingwei was Sun Yat-sen's protégé and made no small contribution to the revolutionary process. He not only recorded Sun Yat-sen's will in his own handwriting, but also silently stayed by Sun's sickbed when he was dying. These actions gave him considerable prestige and status within the Kuomintang.
However, the power game within the KMT revealed a different aspect. Chiang Kai-shek, who held actual power, did not attract much attention at that time, and was not even included in the list of the National ** Commissars. At this critical moment, the power struggle and struggle within the Kuomintang had quietly begun.
Hu Hanmin won a high number of votes in the election of the executive committee of the "First National Congress" of the Kuomintang, and was even in the position of "generalissimo", and was regarded as a popular candidate. However, the election results were unexpected. Wang Jingwei actually got 11 full votes, and even he himself voted for himself. This result has caused a lot of controversy and criticism, but it cannot change the reality that Wang Jingwei has become the president of the national government.
Soon after, the Kuomintang reorganized the Military Committee, Chiang Kai-shek, Liao Zhongkai and Xu Chongzhi became members, and Wang Jingwei sat on the chairman's seat.
At this time, Wang Jingwei had firmly grasped the political power and military power of the people, but the party power had not yet been grasped, and he was only one step away from the throne of the highest power. Perhaps, he never foresaw that Chiang Kai-shek was about to stage a counterattack.
Chiang Kai-shek, although he was only a member of the Military Council at the time, had great ambitions. He had insight into the internal situation of the Kuomintang, and with the help of Sun Yat-sen's adviser Borodin, he gradually cleared the internal obstacles and stepped up to the top of power.
In addition to Wang Jingwei, the people who held the most power in the national ** were Xu Chongzhi, who was the Minister of Military Affairs at the time, Hu Hanmin, the Minister of Finance, and Liao Zhongkai, the Minister of Finance. This group fired the first shot in the struggle for power.
However, a harrowing tragedy soon unfolded within the KMT. On August 20, 1925, Liao Zhongkai, Minister of Finance of the Nationalist Army, was assassinated at the Kuomintang Party Headquarters, an incident that shocked both home and abroad.
This horrific assassination incident, carefully planned by some people, became the fuse of the fierce struggle within the Kuomintang and profoundly changed the distribution of forces and the political pattern within the party.
Although Chiang Kai-shek had a family relationship with Sun Yat-sen, he was not much recognized and reused during Sun Yat-sen's lifetime. Compared with Wang Jingwei and others, he has not received much appreciation and attention.
At the time of Sun Yat-sen's death, Wang Jing guarded his sickbed, while Chiang Kai-shek led the "Whampoa Student Army" to fight on the front line of the Eastern Expedition. The battle was full of hardships, but in the end it was won.
However, Sun Yat-sen was unable to witness this victory with his own eyes, nor was he able to witness Chiang Kai-shek's leadership. When news of Sun Yat-sen's death reached Guangdong, a statement of condolence was quickly issued within the KMT, which included the signature of Hu Hanmin and others. And Chiang Kai-shek, who had just been appointed commander of the Kuomintang army because of his recent victory, joined the statement of condolence.
Subsequently, reforms were carried out within the Kuomintang, and Wang Ching-wei and others went to Guangdong to meet with Chiang Kai-shek, the commander of the "party army", and began to gradually move towards the center of power. However, after the assassination of Liao Zhongkai, the KMT fell into unrest.
* On Borodin's suggestion, the Political Committee sent Wang Ching-wei, Hsu Chong-chie, and Chiang Kai-shek to form a special committee to investigate the truth about the assassination. Although there were three heads of the special committee, Wang Ching-wei and Hsu Chong-chi were too busy with important matters within the Kuomintang to participate in the investigation, so they naturally handed over the leadership to Chiang Kai-shek.
Chiang Kai-shek skillfully used this opportunity to turn the investigation into the assassination into a step of his rise.
This series of incidents set off a huge storm within the Kuomintang, involving Hu Hanmin's relatives, and dealt a heavy blow to his prestige within the Kuomintang. Hu Hanmin's elder brother Hu Qingrui was found to be suspected of harboring criminals, and Hu Hanmin's cousin Hu Yisheng was implicated in the case, which made the situation even worse. This series of events forced him to be sent to the Soviet Union for a so-called "investigation", which put his position within the Kuomintang in jeopardy.
For Wang Jingwei and Chiang Kai-shek, these events were unexpected surprises. These power struggles have brought the two closer together, almost into an alliance. Chiang Kai-shek took the opportunity to strengthen his position within the Kuomintang, while Wang Ching-wei consolidated his influence in the political arena.
However, the turning point of this chain of events did not stop. Chiang Kai-shek's gaze turned to his righteous brother Xu Chongzhi, who had been a sworn friend to him. Although the two were brothers, Chiang Kai-shek felt that he would not be able to gain a firm foothold in the power arena without removing Xu Chongzhi.
Soon after, Chiang Kai-shek, together with Wang Jingwei, sent his own Whampoa army to hunt him down on the grounds that Xu Chongzhi was involved in the assassination of Liao Zhongkai. In the face of the pursuit, Xu Chongzhi fled to Shanghai, adding a new strife to the power struggle within the Kuomintang.
At the beginning of 1926, Wang Jingwei was unexpectedly elected chairman of the National Executive Committee, and his power leaned towards the government and the opposition. However, this pinnacle of power lasted only two months. When an incident known as the "Zhongshan Incident" broke out on March 20, Wang Jingwei, as president of the state government and chairman of the Military Commission, could not escape responsibility, so he resigned in anger and left China for France.
This political storm allowed Chiang Kai-shek to remove almost all obstacles in his path, and he eventually rose to the pinnacle of power by being elected chairman of the Military Council. However, it also marks a growing departure from the ideas advocated by Dr. Sun Yat-sen and realpolitik.
The glorious figure of Dr. Sun Yat-sen represents the dreams and hopes of countless people. The Three People's Principles and national independence advocated by him have set a way forward for countless Chinese. However, his death has left people confused, as the leaders who succeeded him seem to have gone down a path that is contrary to his ideals.
Wang Ching-wei and Chiang Kai-shek emerged in the power competition, but they seemed to have deviated from the ideas and aspirations of Dr. Sun Yat-sen. Their struggle for power and profit put the revolutionary cause on the back burner and ignored Sun Yat-sen's ideals, leading the country's political situation in a direction that was contrary to the future envisioned by Sun Yat-sen.
Mr. Sun Yat-sen devoted his life to the liberation of the country and the happiness of the people, but his death plunged the country into a state of chaos and chaos. The dream of cooperation between the Kuomintang and the Communist Party was gradually shattered, and the revolutionary cause seemed to have lost its direction.
Those leaders who were regarded as the best people gradually deviated from Dr. Sun Yat-sen's revolutionary ideals, and their personal power was above the interests of the state, resulting in the gradual corruption and decline of the rule of the Kuomintang, and the revolutionary cause was in jeopardy.
At the same time, the Communists, especially *** and others, firmly shouldered the legacy of Dr. Sun Yat-sen. They uphold the emancipation of the mind, lead the people to constantly rise up in struggle, and make unremitting efforts for the liberation of the country and the happiness of the people.
Dr. Sun Yat-sen spared no effort to fight for national liberation for the sake of the revolution. The flame of his ideals was carried on in the hands of the Communists. The CPC's firm belief and persistent pursuit have become the leading light in the cause of the Chinese revolution.
Although we are at different stages of history and represent different ideas and beliefs, Dr. Sun Yat-sen's friendly attitude towards the Communist Party is worth remembering forever. At the beginning of the country, the chairman praised him as a great revolutionary and mentor. At that time, the new democracy inherited the Three People's Principles advocated by him, which was a precious wealth bequeathed to the Chinese people by Dr. Sun Yat-sen.
Dr. Sun Yat-sen's political philosophy and aspirations were based on his deep concern for the liberation of the country and the people. After his death, he left behind the policy of "uniting with Russia, uniting with the Communist Party, and supporting peasants and workers", hoping that the Kuomintang and the Communist Party could jointly resist the oppression of foreign powers and feudalism.
However, this ideal has lost its direction in the choice of the people and the political line. Wang Ching-wei and Chiang Kai-shek chose different paths, departing from Sun Yat-sen's ideas and leading China into a deeper crisis.
Fortunately, the unremitting efforts of the Communist Party have regained the direction of China's revolutionary road. Under the leadership of *** and others, they inherited Mr. Sun's ideas and led the Chinese people to liberation and embarked on the road of freedom and equality.
At the last moment of his life, Mr. Sun Yat-sen passed on the flame of hope with deep affection for the country and the people. He earnestly hoped that future generations would inherit his legacy and lead the people out of the gloom and towards the light.
Those who had been pinned on their hopes embarked on a path that ran counter to the original intention of the revolution and became victims of political intrigue. On the contrary, the Communist Party has firmly grasped Mr. Sun's legacy, constantly overcoming difficulties, moving forward with determination, and fighting ceaselessly for the freedom and equality of the Chinese nation.
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