Gu Xuan said history, a messenger of inheritance of history and culture.
In the field of medievalist studies in Castilla y León between 1975 and 1985, Sánchez Alb Ornoz is known as the starting point.
He focused on the question of how to address the Republicans' concerns about Spain's backwardness among European countries. The generation of 1988 became aware of the deceptive dreams of the Empire, and this led us to think about the grotesqueness and deformation of Spain.
To solve this "historical mystery", Sánchez Albornoz suggested finding the answer by studying Castile. By his standards, the Kingdom of Castile shaped the shape and historical course of Spain to a certain extent.
He analysed institutional, class, economic, and social behavior in depth, guided by sensitivities, honor, or religious notions that were promoted by elites who undertook collective needs, such as the king or the Bishop of Santiago de Compostela, Diego Guermires.
Their ** believe in liberalism, a concept related to the republican ideals they found formed in history. This historiography of the country profile depicts a medieval Castile conception as a land of free men.
However, the basis of such research does not fully cover the dual dynamics of lord property relations and power relations (or governing lordship), which needs to be further theorized in future research.
During the discussion of the agrarian reform law in the Assembly of the Republic, Sánchez Albornoz made a speech that reflected his concern about the issue. He took a moderate stance, keeping an equidistance between socialists and conservatives.
Combining her identities as a historian and a statesman, Rena Pastor pioneered a unique way of analyzing the distinction between property rights and jurisdictions that should be abolished.
Her theories had a profound impact on national historiography, especially after the formation of the teachings of José Luis Romero and Claudio Sánchez Albonos.
This combination of science and politics in reading and debating, which lasted in Argentina from 1960 to 1975, enriched the history and culture of Sánchez Albonoz.
Pastor's work is located at the intersection of traditional and unorthodox Marxism, and he has a unique insight into the dynamics and transformations of the feudal system. He transformed Sánchez Albonoz's concept of feudalism from immature to full Spanish feudalism, which had a series of far-reaching effects.
He also innovated in the structure of his argument, moving from the Castilian Council and the Freemen to the sociology brought about by the Reconquista. In addition, Pastor draws on the Marxist analysis of Maurice Dobb and uses these keys to decipher this influence and deviate from the notion of a twelfth-century bourgeois revolution, which Romero usually sees in Argentina in the 1940s and 1950s.
Pastor's analysis bridged the gap between historians and politicians, and his theories had an important impact on the understanding of historical and political issues.
Focusing on the internal factors of the agrarian economy, the yeoman farmers in Britain facilitated the transformation of capitalism by employing wage earners to compete with the lords for manpower. The elites of the municipalities of Castile, on the contrary, allied themselves with the feudal lords, preferring to maintain the dominant feudal system and abandon any transformation.
The crisis of the fourteenth century marked the beginning of the decline of feudalism in England, and in Castile this phenomenon did not occur. By comparing, we can find out the incidence of inequality in each country's economy for political events.
Although in England the Wars of the Roses weakened the feudal class, in Castile the victory of Enrique de Trastamara had the opposite effect on the feudal class.
However, both the parliament and the knights of ** were destructive secular wars, which led to the stagnation of the productive forces and the formation of non-bourgeois social structures. Both relied on Castile's position as a region for manufactures, imports and wool exports.
Through the historical comparative model, we can explain peculiarities such as England, which suggests that the search for "state-making" criteria is shared, in addition to the theoretical premise. This explains not only an exception in the development of capitalism in Europe, but also an exception in the history of colonialist countries.
In Spain, the subject was widely considered a tradition that had an impact on Latin American historiography, especially in the understanding of the nature of conquest (bourgeois or feudal).
In Italy, in parallel to the Castilian theme is precocious modernity, the fragmentation of power. This phenomenon emerged in the 13th century and originated from the investment of urban capital in the countryside surrounding the city.
This investment led to the rationalization of production, the creation of colonial houses, and the creation of an efficient co-cropping system. However, many historians believe that this lease constituted a blockade for future development, since its structure was fixed and could exist for a long time until the second post-war period of the twentieth century, without translation.
In this lease, the landlord will take refuge in the city for a living on rent, while the settler will be forced to meet his payment obligations, but will not diversify his activities; In addition, they will become increasingly impoverished, which will be reflected in the weakness of the domestic market.
Historians such as Romano and Sereni analyze this anomaly by comparison, arguing that traditional cloth making is not capitalist. This was Mehlis's view, which he discussed with Ruthenberg in 1966.
This led to the crisis of the fourteenth century having concrete results, in Italy, the introduction of the aforementioned capital into the surrounding countryside gave impetus to the rentier system, which did not change the structure in the long run.
This argument was established in arguments with previous Italian historians who believed that the "capitalist" economy sustained the "bourgeois" prosperity of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries.
However, the new proposal explains not only the negative impact of the crisis on the transition, but also the real economic weakness that existed in the false century of glory that took place between 1480 and 1580.
Gramsci's ideas hover above these studies.
This mode of historical research is not confined to a particular place. In his study of Tresento, Sereni used the Malthusian theory to explain the cessation of collapse, a common practice in the seventies, although the most important concepts of feudalism and the crisis of the class struggle came from Dob.
The support for this theory comes from the observation of Italy, specifically, the differences between the common areas of the new plantations and the large areas of Sardinia. For example, the decline in crops and the increased demand for wool led to a cross-human herding organization.
A similar comparison is made in the case of England. In his writings, Dobb stresses the importance of national borders, explaining why England was at the forefront of capitalist development at the end of the fifteenth century, while other countries did not (this does not prevent, but rather encourages a look elsewhere).
In the late Middle Ages, Britain's economic focus shifted from exporting raw materials to exporting fabrics, which triggered a change in relative position. Dob found an explanation for this change in the crises of the fourteenth century, especially in the class struggle of 1381.
The result was the weakening of the feudal class and the development of yeoman peasants and capitalist leases. This is also confirmed by Rodney Hilton's elaboration.
This standard of historical research began to be accepted by British historians in the second half of the 19th century and has been used ever since.
Land ownership is key to understanding the disappearance of society and peasants. For British Marxist historians, the class struggle and its impact on economic evolution are the focus of their attention.
Since Dobb, the study of the dynamics of feudalism in Britain has had a unique theoretical and methodical framework. The work of Guy Bois in France is equally remarkable.
Like historians, he used the central concepts of the mode of production, considered the fourteenth century to be a critical period for economic development, and he ignored circulation planning in favor of an agrarian structure.
In referring to Karl Marx's "primitive accumulation", Bois also mentions England, particularly in eastern Normandy, where population cycles produce wage labor, which will combine with the political method of expropriation of producers to make way for the transition.
Bois's research differs from others in that he responds to other traditions and has a dynamic structure, that is, a regional analysis of the movement of the structure.
In another forthcoming study, I revealed some correlations. It is worth noting that the original referrer was Ernest Labrouse.
This tradition was continued by Fernand Braudel, Albert Soboul and Pierre Vilar.
This is related to structuralism in France in the 60s of the 20th century and has led to the different levels of autonomous entities. This study is limited to the field of economics (which deals with variables such as agricultural and non-agricultural**, income, etc.), and does not address political history (which is considered a historical event in the almanac tradition) and institutional or legal order (an area that traditional historical research does not focus on).
The formation of a nation is not only influenced by cultural atmosphere and traditions, but also by the specific object of study. If we take this into account, then Bouvet's assumptions about the influence of political factors in the transition are not surprising.
This was predictable for a country in which the huge inorganic peasants in the second half of the 19th century ("a bag of potatoes", as Marx put it) showed that the expropriation was not realized.