The Burmese military handed over six of the 10 wanted criminals on the wanted warrants to our country.
Recently, the situation in Myanmar has become more and more tense, and some ** in Myanmar have claimed that the Myanmar military is very dissatisfied with Min Aung Hlaing's successive defeats, and many people are forcing him to resign. For example, the Irrawaddy newspaper said that it was time for the army to consider who would replace General Min. The Indian Narrative newspaper is even more conclusive, saying that the former military boss General Than Shwe has begun to run for contact, preparing to let General Min's deputy Deputy General Soe Win take over**, it seems that Myanmar is about to change. General Min is currently both the commander-in-chief and the commander-in-chief, as the number one leader of the military and the leader of the army, is it possible for him to be overthrown internally?
Min Aung Hlaing is not the only voice within the military or the only bridge between the military and the democratic forces. Within the military, there are also different factions and views, with some unhappy with Min Aung Hlaing's hardline policies and ruling style, while others want to resolve the crisis in Myanmar through peaceful dialogue and political compromise. These people are known as the "peace talks", and the contradictions and conflicts between them and Min Aung Hlaing's "hardliners" are also intensifying day by day.
According to reports, the representatives of the peace talks faction are as follows:
Soe Win, deputy commander-in-chief of the Defence Forces, met with Daw Aung San Suu Kyi in 2016 to discuss a ceasefire and constitutional reform.
Mowen, chief of staff of the National Defense Forces, met with UN Secretary-General António Guterres in 2018 and expressed his willingness to work with the Democratic Forces to resolve the Rohingya crisis.
Mala Dantai, Permanent Secretary, co-chaired the Mekong-Lancang Cooperation Conference with China's Assistant Minister Nong Rong in 2020.
U Win, vice chairman of the National Governing Council, met with ASEAN Special Envoy Isaldin in 2021 and expressed his willingness to accept ASEAN's help to advance the peace process in Myanmar.
The roots of the military's infighting can be traced back to political reforms in 2011. At that time, the head of the army, Than Shwe, abdicated and established a civilian official with Thein Sein as the leader, and began a series of democratization and opening measures, including the release of prisoners, the relaxation of freedom of speech, allowing opposition parties to participate in elections, and peace talks with ethnic minority armed groups. These reforms, which were widely welcomed and supported at home and abroad, also paved the way for the 2015 year, which led to a landslide victory for the National League for Democracy (NLD) led by Aung San Suu Kyi and the formation of popular elections.
However, these reforms have not been unanimously endorsed within the military, especially Min Aung Hlaing and his hardliners. They argue that the military, the protector and leader of Myanmar, should continue to hold supreme power in the country and not give way to democratically elected** and democratic forces. They fear that the process of democratization and openness will weaken the military's interests and influence, and threaten its security and unity. Therefore, they have been looking for opportunities to thwart and undermine political reform and restore absolute military rule.
The year 2020 has provided such an opportunity for Min Aung Hlaing and his hardliners. In this election, the NLD once again won a landslide victory, winning 83 percent of the seats in the election, while the military-backed Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) suffered a crushing defeat, winning only 7 percent of the seats.
Min Aung Hlaing and his hardliners refused to acknowledge the results of the election, claiming that there was massive fraud and injustice in the election, and demanded a recount of votes and a new election. However, both the Electoral Commission and international observers denied the allegations, arguing that the elections were free, fair and transparent.
Unable to overturn the election results through legal means, Min Aung Hlaing and his hardliners decided to take military action and stage a coup d'état to seize power. They arrested Aung San Suu Kyi, Win Myint and other NLD leaders, declared a one-year state of emergency, and established a state governing council, chaired by Min Aung Hlaing, to become Myanmar's de facto supreme leader.
Min Aung Hlaing and his hardliners' coup d'état was strongly opposed and condemned by the whole country and the international community. An unprecedented anti-coup campaign has erupted across Myanmar calling for the restoration of popular elections**, the release of detained leaders, and an end to the military's violent crackdown. The international community has also exerted various forms of pressure and sanctions on the Myanmar military, demanding that the will of the Myanmar people be respected and that democracy and constitutional order be restored as soon as possible.
However, instead of succumbing to domestic and foreign pressure, Min Aung Hlaing and his hardliners have stepped up a violent crackdown on the a**, resulting in thousands of deaths and injuries. Instead of fulfilling their promise to hold new elections within a year, Min Aung Hlaing has repeatedly extended the state of emergency in an attempt to consolidate his regime.
Since the military staged the coup, Myanmar's democratic forces and ethnic armed forces have shown strong resistance and resistance. They have staged large-scale anti-coup campaigns throughout the country, launched armed uprisings in some areas, established the People's Defence Forces, and allied themselves with some ethnic armed forces to support and cooperate with each other. And it has received some support and assistance from the international community.
And the most influential variable in this is the attitude and influence of our country. China is a neighbor and an important partner of Myanmar, and has a great concern and influence on the situation in Myanmar. China has diplomatically supported the Myanmar military and distanced itself from national unity.
My country has always believed that the problems of Myanmar should be resolved by the people of Myanmar themselves and opposes foreign interference and sanctions. At the same time, it is also hoped that Myanmar's border areas will remain stable and open, and that the best and investment with Myanmar will be maintained. However, we are also disappointed by the inaction of the Myanmar military on the issue of the proliferation of fraudulent parks. China demands that the Myanmar military ban these scam parks and protect the safety and interests of Chinese citizens. It can be said that our support for the Myanmar military is not unconditional or immutable.
Finally, at this critical juncture of the Burmese civil war, the Myanmar Army** signed a 99-year lease with us for Kyaukphyu Port, handed over six leaders of the electric fraud, and promised to cooperate with China in the fight against electric fraud.
In this way, it is this critical node that submits a petition to us. Therefore, I believe that although General Min's position is threatened and gradually weakens, he will not be overthrown because he has not exhausted his strength. The situation in Myanmar will gradually enter a soft landing phase.
What do you think?