Some time ago, the Russian philosopher Alexander Dugin, known as "Putin's national teacher", visited China and accepted an exclusive interview with the best in China, and the content of the interview was recently announced.
In the interview, Dugin said that Ukraine has "ultra-nationalism" towards Russia, but Russia has not retaliated with "Eurasianism", mobilizing people of all ethnic groups in Russia to fight against ultra-democracy, and still regards Ukraine as a brother.
To analyze Dugin's views, it is necessary to understand the historical background and meaning of "Eurasianism".
Eurasianism originated among Russian exiles in the early 20th century as a cultural and political movement that emphasized that Russia was neither purely European nor purely Asian, but rather a hybrid of both, advocating the creation of a Eurasian empire that would span Europe and Asia.
In Dugin's view, this theoretical framework provides a perspective against Western hegemony and unilateralism, while emphasizing the importance of a multipolar world order and the key role that Russia plays in it.
Dugin's "Eurasianism" differs from the historical version, it is actually a modification and extension of the previous ideas of "Great Russianism". "Great Russianism" asserted the superiority of Russian culture and nations, as well as influence or control over the surrounding regions.
Dugin reinvented this, transforming it into a more inclusive ideology that emphasized the peaceful coexistence of different peoples and cultures within a unified political and economic framework, while opposing any form of nationalism and **ism.
The main difference between "Eurasianism" and "Great Russianism" is its attitude towards the external world and its approach to internal governance. "Eurasianism" seeks to integrate multi-ethnic states through shared cultural and historical backgrounds, promoting a multilateral relationship based on common interests and mutual respect, rather than relying solely on nationalist expansion and unity.
This is reflected in Dugin's attitude to the Ukrainian issue, even in the face of the so-called "ultra-nationalism", Russia does not simply fight nationalism with nationalism, but tries to resolve differences and maintain stability and peace in the region through the framework of "Eurasianism".
Dugin's "Eurasianism" seeks to provide theoretical support for Russia's current foreign policy, that is, to prevent the outbreak of regional conflicts while maintaining its own influence. This requires that Russia, in advancing its "Eurasianist" ideals, must skillfully balance its relations with other world powers, especially with Western countries.
In Dugin's theory, China is also a competitor
Before Russia's invasion of Ukraine, Dugin was extremely aggressive about China, arguing that Russia should control key areas of China, including Northeast China, Xinjiang and Inner Mongolia, and create a strategic buffer zone between China and Russia.
In his vision, China was reduced to the "Khitan industrial state" of Russia. This is constructed on the basis of his theory of Eurasianism, which emphasizes the strategic importance of the unity of Eurasia and advocates the creation of a multipolar world opposed to Western hegemony.
With the outbreak of the Ukraine crisis in 2014 and the intensification of the Russia-Ukraine conflict, the geopolitical landscape of the world has changed dramatically, and the relationship between China and Russia has become increasingly close.
Against this backdrop, Dugin's attitude toward China has also undergone a marked shift. He began to emphasize cooperation between China and Russia, and began to see China no longer as a mere competitor or a target for territorial expansion, but as a strategic value for China as an important ally.
Dugin bases this transformation on the framework of Eurasianism, arguing that China is a great civilization ready for a decisive battle with the West. At this time, Dugin no longer emphasized extreme claims of territorial control, but focused more on cooperation at the ideological and strategic level.
He believes that in the face of pressure from the West, especially the United States, China and Russia should work together to build a multipolar world order that opposes Western hegemony.
From the point of view of geopolitical analysis, China and Russia do have common strategic interests. Both countries are facing strategic pressure from Western countries, especially the United States, and they have extensive room for cooperation in the energy, military, and economic fields, which can complement each other's strategic needs, and are the best strategic partners.
In today's interdependent and multipolar world, any attempt to achieve national interests by controlling the territory of another country is impractical. What's more, China and Russia are both permanent members of the UN Security Council, and cooperation between them is far more conducive to promoting each other's national interests and world peace and stability than competition.