After the counterattack against Vietnam, what happened to Vietnam's five pro-China veterans?
China and Vietnam, two geographically and culturally similar neighbors, have gone through a journey of ups and downs together. Back in the 50s of the last century, Ho Chi Minh once profoundly appraised the deep friendship between the two countries in the War of Resistance against France and the United States, and praised it as "comrade and brother", expressing the close alliance between the two sides.
From the mid-to-late 70s, relations between the two countries gradually became complex and tense, and potential contradictions in various fields gradually surfaced, which eventually evolved into contradictions that even needed to be resolved by force. During this period, the former brotherhood gradually drifted apart, and was engulfed by various complex factors.
At the top of Vietnam, there are figures with deep historical ties to China who played a key role in the war against Vietnam. After the war, these people chose different life trajectories and wrote completely different chapters of their lives.
In Vietnam**, there is a high-profile figure whose life is like a legend**, engraved with ups and downs, loyalty and the bitterness of leaving his homeland. His name is Huang Wenhuan.
Born in 1905, Hoang Van Huan joined the anti-French revolution as a teenager and actively participated in the revolutionary training course organized by Ho Chi Minh in China before the age of 20. In 1930, he officially became a member of the Communist Party of Indochina, beginning an immortal chapter in his revolutionary journey.
From 1935 to 1942, Huang Wenhuan was engaged in revolutionary activities in China for a long time. During this time, he achieved a deep relationship with China and laid a solid foundation for the cultivation of friendly relations between China and Vietnam. This Vietnamese revolutionary has witnessed the growth of friendship between the two countries with his sweat and hard work.
Time flies, and a political disagreement in 1979 brought about a major change in Huang Wen's life. He had no choice but to leave Vietnam and chose China as his new place of residence. This decision provoked an uproar inside and outside Vietnam"Solidarity"Caught in both internal and external doubts.
After arriving in Beijing, Huang Wenhuan did not disappear into the dust of history. Instead, he appeared at a press conference and publicly circulated a letter titled "Letter to the Nationwide Compatriots of Vietnam." In the letter, he expressed deep concern about the internal turmoil in Viet Nam and accused the political disagreement of undermining the victorious gains of the Vietnam Liberation War and reducing the people of the country to slavery once again.
Mr. Hoang also recounted how he was charged with "treason" and sentenced to death, which may have been one of the main reasons he left Vietnam. In this political storm, he chose to stay away from his homeland, but used words to speak out and defend himself.
In China's cities, Liuzhou has deep roots in the story of Huang Wenhuan. In its early years, the city supported revolutionaries such as Ho Chi Minh and Hoang Van Huan, and played a key role in the liberation of Vietnam. In 1989, Huang Wenhuan, who was already in his twilight years, set foot in Liuzhou again and wrote the calligraphy of "Mountains and Rivers" for the cliff wall of Yufeng Park, witnessing the long-standing friendship between the two countries.
Huang Wenhuan's life story came to an end in 1991. He died in Beijing and was buried in Babaoshan, with a tombstone engraved in Chinese and Vietnamese bilingual, describing him as "an old friend respected by the Chinese people."
During the war years in Vietnam, Vo Nguyen Gia was a legendary general, a hero known as the "Tiger of Dien Bien Phu". His life story is far more exciting and twisted than people know.
As early as when the flame of revolution was ignited, Wu Yuanjia was inextricably linked with China. Around 1940, the then young and promising Vu Yuanjia was sent by Ho Chi Minh to study at the Anti-Japanese Military and Political School in Yan'an. Because of the Japanese invasion, this plan could not be realized. Despite this, he learned the necessary knowledge to become a general under the pressure of the French army, thanks to the careful teaching of Chen Geng and other predecessors.
Years have passed, the wind and rain of the years have washed away the dust of memory, Wu Yuanjia sat in the quiet study, closed his eyes and recalled the past with Chen Geng. It seemed like a blink of an eye, but in his heart, every moment left a deep imprint.
He still remembered Chen Geng's face, and those eyes revealed firmness and wisdom. Wu Yuanjia called him "a wise and brave general", and the respect that surged in his heart was like the drums of war on the battlefield in the past.
Unlike many of his comrades, Wu Yuanjia has always advocated peace with China. He firmly believes that peace is the most enduring force. The wheels of time rolled inexorably forward, and after 1975, the Chinese diaspora in Vietnam suffered unfair treatment. This made Wu Yuanjia indignant, and he stood up without fear and publicly accused Li Duan's approach of being "too domineering".
It was a time of great change, and around 1978, when the Sino-Vietnamese contradictions were escalating, Wu Yuanjia realized that he had to take action. He put forward the idea of "easing the contradictions with the Chinese comrades," and this statement drew a lot of criticism from Li Duan. The invective and accusations came to him like a storm, but Wu Yuanjia seemed to stand on a solid mountain rock, unwavering and unyielding.
In 1979, China launched a self-defense counterattack against Vietnam, and Le Duan dismissed Wu Yuanjia as secretary of the Military Commission. The valiant general stood tall in the storm, but the political maelstrom swallowed him. The suspension of the Minister of Defense was a major blow to his career.
In the end, in 1986, Wu Yuanjia was arranged to "retire" and left his military career. He didn't complain, just stared deeply into the distance, recalling his former comrades-in-arms and that stormy era.
With the death of Le Duan, Sino-Vietnamese relations began to show signs of easing. As a representative figure who has always advocated friendship with China, Wu Yuanjia has once again emerged on the political stage. In 1990, he wore a majestic general's dress and represented Vietnam at the opening ceremony of the Beijing Asian Games. The following year, Sino-Vietnamese relations were formally normalized, laying the foundation for friendship between the two countries.
In October 2013, Vietnam People's Army General Vo Nguyen Gia passed away at the age of 102. His life, like a magnificent epic, recorded the bits and pieces of his exchanges with China and wrote an eternal chapter in the friendship between the two countries.
In that turbulent era, there was a Vietnamese general, whose fate was closely linked to China, like a song of friendship that crossed borders. His name is Zhu Wenjin.
In the green mountains and green waters of Longzhou, Guangxi, Zhu Wenjin's childhood is like a quiet picture. His ancestral roots are rooted in this land, but the red thread of fate pulled at the age of seven, weaving his life into the story of Vietnam.
His father's decision was the course of his fate. At the age of seven, he followed his father on a journey away from home. On the soil of Vietnam, he learned to read and farm, but he always cherished the longing for his motherland.
Over the course of time, his name was gradually engraved into the chapter of the uprising. Two armed uprisings, recording his bravery and steadfastness. In 1927 and 1940, he waved flags in the Bac Son area of Thai Nguyen Province, Vietnam, leading a stirring for freedom. When the uprising encountered many difficulties, he did not flinch and chose to lead some of the soldiers back to Longzhou.
This small place carries his feelings for his home and country. Longzhou is not only his ancestral hometown, but also the birthplace of the Longzhou Uprising of the Red Eighth Army in 1930. This land is the home of his soul, and every inch of land is permeated with his attachment to the motherland.
Back in Longzhou, he did not retreat, but chose to rest in seclusion.
Many years have passed, Zhu Wenjin looks back on the war, and those unforgettable years seem to be yesterday. At the beginning of the founding of Vietnam, he was elected as the first Minister of National Defense and became one of the founders of the Vietnamese People's Army. Although he shoulders the burden of national defense, he always cares about his comrades-in-arms who are far away in Longzhou.
In that era full of beacon fire, Zhu Wenjin frequently wrote personal letters to his former comrades-in-arms, revealing a strong sense of longing between the lines. They fought side by side on the battlefield filled with gunpowder, and that time of tribulation strengthened their friendship with each other. Each letter is a heart-to-heart conversation, they share their own lives and moods, and their greetings to each other seem to travel through time and space.
In the depths of Zhu Wenjin's heart, there has always been a concern and longing. He longed to reunite with his former comrades-in-arms and talk about the past. So, he did not hesitate to invite them to Vietnam as guests, hoping to have a reunion and reminisce about their former lofty ambitions.
Zhu Wenjin has deep roots in China. As the leader of the Vietnamese delegation, he led a team to visit China and had in-depth exchanges with Hoang Van Huan and other Chinese comrades. Vietnam's defense minister is not only fluent in Vietnamese Mandarin, but also proficient in Chinese Zhuang, vernacular and Mandarin Chinese. When communicating, he even omitted the translation from time to time, and the two sides had a dialogue in the vernacular, which seemed to dissolve the distance of time and space, leaving only a piece of intimacy and pleasure.
Fate swept in at the beginning of July 1979. Huang Wenhuan left Vietnam on his way to East Berlin for medical treatment, and this incident shook the whole situation. Zhu Wenjin, who has always shown himself to be pro-China, is still affected even though he is no longer the defense minister. He was placed under surveillance and house arrest along with other people who were deemed "close to China", and even the most basic personal freedoms were denied. This silence lasted until 1983, when Zhu Wenjin passed away silently, leaving behind a deplorable story.
In Vietnam**, there is one name that may not be loud enough, but another name he uses, "Long March", shines a unique light on the political stage. This name is not accidental, but comes from his deep admiration for the 25,000-mile Long March of the Chinese Red Army. Behind that name is a reverence for the heroic struggle in the long river of history, and it is also a strong proof of his relationship with China.
Long March, as one of the founders of the Communist Party of Vietnam, served as the general secretary of the Communist Party of Vietnam from 1941 to 1956, and served as the chairman of the State Council and other important positions. Due to conflicts with the southern faction, especially in disputes caused by policies such as land reform, he ceased to hold the post of general secretary from 1956 onwards.
In the years following the departure of the Long March, Sino-Vietnamese relations entered a period of low point. With the help of history, Vietnam has created anti-China, expressed its covetousness over China's territory, and even illegally occupied some islands and openly launched attacks on China's foreign policy.
It was not until 1986, when Le Duan passed away and Long March once again assumed the post of general secretary, that Sino-Vietnamese relations had a chance to turn around. The elderly Long March chose to support Nguyen Van Linh, who was also pro-China, as the party's top leader, while he voluntarily retired into the background as an adviser to the ** committee.
Thanks to the joint efforts of the Long March and Nguyen Van Linh, Vietnam gradually freed itself from the control of the former Soviet Union, improved its relations with China, and successfully entered a new era of innovation, opening up, and economic take-off.
Long March was not only a politician, but also a writer and poet. His books such as "The Inevitable Victory of the War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression", "On the August Revolution", and "On the Vietnamese Revolution" are all his profound reflections on the course of the revolution. In 1956, he discussed the plan with *** at a banquet, discussed the "Theory of Practice" and "Theory of Contradiction", and left his unique views on these works.
At the end of September 1988, the Long March passed away on the soil of the motherland. He left behind a lot of unfinished business, and the historical changes of this period were also entrusted to his successor, Nguyen Van Linh.
On the stage of Vietnam, a far-reaching historical change is about to unfold. In July 1986, Vietnam's most prestigious Le Duan died of illness, a moment marked the emergence of a new leader.
Deng Xuan District, who was a temporary passer-by, was appointed general secretary of the Communist Party of Vietnam, but because of his similar age, the position he took over seemed to have a transitional connotation. After only five months in the position of general secretary of the Communist Party of Vietnam, he voluntarily chose to abdicate the position, handing over the responsibility to Nguyen Van Linh, then secretary of the Ho Chi Minh City Party Committee. This decision was seen as a sign of the end of the lifelong leadership system in Vietnam, and Nguyen Van Linh officially entered the political arena.
When Nguyen Van Linh first came to power, he was not only in the prime of life, but also praised by Ho Chi Minh for being "flexible and capable". This change is not only a change of leadership, but also a profound change in Vietnam's political landscape.
Some friendly gestures towards China began to emerge in Vietnam, and this change was first reflected in the direction of propaganda. In the past, aggressive propaganda against China ceased, the voice of the traditional friendship between China and Vietnam gradually returned, and positive reports about China's current situation, situation and achievements began to emerge in Vietnam**.
During this period, Vietnamese society showed a strong interest in China's reform and opening up. China's various economic laws and regulations have become popular reading, and translated Vietnamese versions can be found everywhere on bookstalls in Vietnamese cities. This concern and recognition of China is actually due to the fact that since the Sixth National Congress of the Communist Party of Vietnam was held, the debate between the two different lines has gradually become clear.
In Vietnam's political arena, a dynamic ideological struggle is brewing. At the end of 1989, with the drastic changes in Eastern Europe and the spread of civil unrest in the Soviet Union, the two propositions within Vietnam began to compete fiercely. One group of voices advocates that Vietnam should get rid of Cambodia's disputes as soon as possible, improve relations with China, and concentrate on domestic economic development. On the other hand, there is no need to make too many concessions on the Cambodian issue, and that priority should be given to improving relations with Western countries and opening up to the outside world in a big way.
In this heated debate, the former view gradually gained the upper hand. The ideological trend in Vietnam has changed, and Nguyen Van Linh has gradually shown a positive attitude towards improving relations with China. In 1989, Vietnamese Deputy Foreign Minister Dinh Vhu Lien visited China twice, marking a positive turning point in bilateral relations.
The following year, at a rally to commemorate the 100th anniversary of Ho Chi Minh's birth, Nguyen Van Linh made an exception to praise China's aid to Vietnam and publicly expressed his desire to be invited to visit Beijing to discuss the restoration of friendly relations with China. In order to show its sincerity, Vietnam has held relevant commemorative activities in places such as the Nam Dinh Textile Factory and the Ocean Porcelain Factory built with China's assistance, and specially invited the Chinese ambassador and diplomats to Vietnam to participate. In the fields of culture, economy and trade, and overseas Chinese, Vietnam has also shown varying degrees of goodwill.
Eventually, under Nguyen Van Linh's leadership, Sino-Vietnamese relations were repaired and relations between the two countries were normalized. This event is of great significance for improving Vietnam's external environment, allowing Vietnam to focus on economic development. Nguyen Van Linh is regarded as the founder of Vietnam's "innovation and opening up" strategy, which brought a new direction for the country's development.
Since 1991, Nguyen Van Linh stepped down from the post of general secretary to serve as an adviser to the Communist Party of Vietnam. In late April 1998, Nguyen Van Linh died in Ho Chi Minh City. His political achievements were highly praised by the state, and he was awarded a "state funeral" after his death. China sent wreaths and other mourning items to the Vietnamese Embassy in China to express its deep condolences for the passing of Nguyen Van Linh.